• Résumé
• Abstract

• Mots clés
• Keywords

Table des matières

1. Introduction1

1Across XIX^th and XX^th centuries historiographical movements generated specific kinds of studies on the Late Medieval Age and the beginning of the Renaissance. These studies resulted in an ideological interpretation of the artistic tendencies during XV^th century, and lead to a rather ambiguous understanding of the phenomenon². Indeed one relevant aspect of Late Medieval Art research is the role of the artist and his position in society ; according to the historiography it is posible to distinguish two types of artistic production : on the one hand the workshops that realized the orders of the bourgeois (mainly devotional altars and polyptychs) and, on the other hand, artistic production under court’s patronage, that is to say, artists maintained under royal or ducal protections. Interestingly, art historians analysed the relation between artists and sovereigns in order to understand how much the ruler was able to interfere with the creation process and the final result, considering the two former types of artistic production as the major major factor.

2Simultaneously, the phenomenon of singling out the artist from the rest of the society and from the rest of the court can be observed at the end of XIII^th century as in the case of French, English or D’Anjou’s courts where some artists had been honoured with the title of pictores regis or peintres nostre sire. However, even if it is recognised that these artists realised orders for art pieces, unfortunately, it is not possible to better understand the relation between these artists and the court, since none of them was directly associated with it.

3Later on, at the beginning of XIV^th century, artists working for the courts could reach the title of «valeti et alii hospitii» and «valeti et familia hospitii», similarly to other servants who did not proceed from the noble class³.

4The mention Valet de chambre appears for the first time at the French court between 1356 and 1359, referring to the painter Girard d’Orleans, showing a stronger relation to the King, like other first class servants, that allowed direct communication with the ruler⁴.

5Similarly, in the case of the court of the Count of Flanders Louis of Male, the artist Jean de Hasselt was mentioned in 1378 with the rank of paintre de MS. Apparently after 1384, and still with the same title, de Hasselt continued working for the Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Bold⁵. In fact, only the artist’s successor, Melchior Broederlam, is documented to have reached the title of paintre de MS de Bourgogne et varlet de chambre at least from the 4^th of November, 1368⁶.

6Furthermore, studies on the ritual court and ceremonial acts of the Duchy of Burgundy are possible thanks to the erudite narration of Olivier de la Marche and his l’Estat de la Maison du duc Charles de Bourgogne written in 1473. Being part of the close entourage of the duke and maître d’hôtel, the author described the court’s structure, explaining the hierarchy, the order of the organization, the interactions between the different ranks as well as the symbolism present in the court⁷. At the same time, the chronicler fascinatingly explored the court environment ; the official as well as the private one.

7De la Marche does not name all the personages, but offers a detailed description of the functioning of the court, and focusing on the prestige of its patron. Interestingly for this study, De la Marche described the valet de chambre according to the relevance of their profession. Thus, Valets de chambre are mentioned after physicians and garde de joyaux and before chefs and musicians. Nevertheless the narration gives some clues about the definition of valet de chambre :

Le duc a bien quarante varletz de chambre, don’t la plus part servent tousjours, et les autres sont comptes par terme, et servant iceulx en la chambre en diverses manieres, les barbiers en leurs estaz, les chaussetiers, tailleurs, cousturiers, fourreurs et cordouaniers, chascun en leurs estaz. Les paintres fons les cottes d’armes, baniers et estandars ; les aultres varletz de chambre servent de faire le lict, et à mettre à point le chambre ; et doibt le fourrier battre et escourre le lict, c’est à sçavoir la coustelle et le coussin où le prince doit gestir ; et pour ce seullement est le fourrier nommé varlet de chambre ; et doibvent les principaulx estendre les linceux et la couverure. Et deoibt le sommellier tenir une torche en ses mains pour veoir faire de lict, et après refermer les courdines. Et doibt ung quatre sommelliers garder le lict, jusques à tant que le prince soit couchié⁸.

8The author indicates a supposition of the amount of servants with the rank of Valet de chambre and differentiates two kinds of courtiers : some of them attending the court every day and some others throughout the year with indications of their specific professions. In addition, de la Marche notes a difference between professionals that were able to practice their work at the court, and the servants who had obtained the privilege of participating during the ceremony of lying down the duke, and describes their function⁹.

9This study applies elements of proper methodology often utilised in the study of history - prosopograhy10, with the intention of describing the role and position of the court artist, a topic considered as apt for Art History studies. This analysis aims firstly to identify the largest possible set of Valets de chambre serving in the period, and secondly to gather as much information as possible for each servant in order to reach a deeper understanding of two main subjects. Firstly, the period of attendance at the court as part of the circle of the Valets de chambre and, secondly, the profession as reported by the sources. It is important to highlight that this study is limited to the rank of Valet de chambre de Mon Dit Segnor, excluding the same kind of servants working for the duchesses and for the heir, the Count of Charolais.

10The first identification of the group is based on the published transcriptions of the «Recette general des finances» of the Burgundian Duchy from period 1419-1477. This corpus contains the volumes edited by Michiel Mollat¹¹, covering two full years (1419-1420), those published by Wernier Paravicini¹² covering the period 1467-1477, and the supplementation of the sources edited by Leon de Laborde¹³, which collected accounts related to the artistic production and patronage at the Burgundian court. A full prosopographical study could not be made on the «Recette general des finances» since they are not completely preserved14. As a result the sampling set was broadened to include Valets de chambre cited in the corpus of the court ordinances from years : 1426, 1433, 1438, 1445, 1449 and 1458¹⁵.

11Once sampling sets were obtained, the figures identified with all known variations of their names were researched in the Prosopographia Burgundica¹⁶ project, an online catalogue of thirteen published Instruments and ten studies on the Burgundian Court, as well in the Prosopographia Curiae Burgundicae17 project ; another online database that explores 5800 accounts of incomes and expenditures of the court.

2. The state of the art

12The fact that many artists of the Burgundian court had reached the title Valet de chambre prompts many art historians to reflect on the functions related to this title18. Ruth Massey Towel analysed the court environment and the artistic production charged by Burgundian dukes. She discussed some Valets de chambre - Melchior Broederlam, Claus Sluter and Van Eyck – but she considered the title as a mere description of the position of the court artist ; she argued that the Valet de chambre at the Burgundian Court had to be an artist¹⁹. This idea was applied to later studies on «Valets de chambre» of the Bourgundian Court such as in the case of Claus Sluter ; in catalogues dedicated to his artistic production we can locate mentions such as « From 1389 to his death he was Court Sculptor, with the rank of valet de chambre »²⁰. Yet the image we receive of Sluter’s work at the court as Valet de chambre seems to be a simplification, due to a contemporary interpretation of his duties at the Burgundian court.

13Hugo Van der Welden analysing the figure of Gerard Loyet, goldsmith and Valet de chambre of Charles the Bold, tried to explain whom the valet de chambre at the Burgundian court was. First of all, analysing the Comptes de l'argentier he was able to prove that Loyet, had obtained the title of valet, even though, in the chronicles by Olivier de la Marche, goldsmiths were not cited as a category of artisan included in the list of Valets de chambre working at the court of Charles of Burgundy²¹. Secondly, he demonstrated that the artistic activities of Valets de chambre were conducted during everyday life, and especially during festivals and ceremonies at the court. Nevertheless, as a final result Van der Welden assumes that only the most skilled artists could reach the rank of Valet de chambre, demolishing the absolute credibility of Olivier de la Marche’s reports about the valets, but confirming the connection between Valets de chambre and artists.

14A different understanding of the role and the relevance of Valet de chambre was brought by Bart Fransen while describing the Burgundian diplomatic expedition to the court of Portugal for the arrangement of the marriage between the duke and the princess of Portugal. According to his studies, Van Eyck’s participation in the secret expedition in order to paint a portrait of Isabel of Portugal, demonstrates not only the trust the Duke placed in his artistic skills, but the high rank of the Valet de chambre in the Burgundian Court as well as the trust awarded to the valet by the duke himself²². In fact, all the other officials participating in that expedition were part of the very highest level of the court structure. Fransen’s research shows that Valet de chambre had not only artistic tasks at the court but he could be asked to accomplish diplomatic tasks as well.

15Finally, Dominique Vanwijnsberge, looking at some valets de chambre and book iluminators related to the administration of the ducal library as examples, supported the theory that the valet de chambre had to be a createor of images of writter at the court23.

16Considering the muddled situation concerning the knowledge of the social definition of valets de chambre, this article proposes a prosopographical approach to the theme in order to detail the variety of tasks and the social position of the Valets de chambre at the Burgundian court. More specifically this study aims to define which professionals could join the circle of the Valet de chambre at the court of Philippe the Good and Charles the Bold, from 1419 to 147724.

3. The prosopographical approach

17The first analysis of the «Recette general des finances» aimed to identify all mentions of the title Valet de chambre from 1419 to 1477²⁵. This operation allowed an identification of the accounts referring specifically to interactions between courtiers and the ducal administration, thus reducing the amount of accounts and cédules in the study to 356 identifying 85 Valet de chambre. In addition to the former sampling set, and so as to detect a larger number of personages named as Valet de chambre, the Court Ordinances, and Prosopographia Burgundica as well as Prosopographia Curiae Burgundicae, were analysed. By utilising this method it was possible to identify 128 Valets de chambre attending at the Bourgundian Court during the studied period.

18Thanks to a second revision of the sources it was possible to find the first and the last mentions, and details about professions and other titles that the Valets de chambre had. For each personage, the catalogue sheet includes a specific set of fields : name, variations of the name, surname, variations of the surname, date of the first and the last documental reference to the person as Valet de chambre profession and the second title.

19The graphic resume of the collected data (Fig.1) is structured by year and by personages, marking their presence along the period (red segment). The chronological order follows the date of the first evidence when each dignitary was mentioned as Valet de chambre (green point). Furthermore, it is important to observe that only in few occasions the date marked by the green dot overlaps with the year of the dignitary’s appointment : like in the case of Guillaume Rondel whose nomination is documented the 20th of March 1459²⁶. This phenomenon is witnessed in the case of Guillaume Rondel, who we know due to the documental proof, was nominated on the 20th March 1459.

20The red segment joins the first and the last date in which documents referring to the personage were found. Nevertheless, some records, in which the mention Valet de chambre referred not directly to the dignitaries but to their familiars were not considered as a confirmation that the servant was still attending the court, and therefore they were excluded²⁷. The red segment finishes at the year of the last mention found in the analysed corpus, but it does not represent the death date of the valet²⁸.

21Concerning the continuity of the red segment, it should be clarified that Ordinances of the years 1426, 1427, 1433 and 1438 set different rules on the service shifts of the Valets de chambre. In particular, the first three Ordinances indicate three-month shifts, whilst the last one reports six-month shifts turning system²⁹. Later Ordinances do not set any rules about turning. Notwithstanding the Ordinances, the analysis of the accounts shows that valets would receive orders and salary during the whole year in the whole studied period. As an example, Jehan Amoury, shoemaker and valet de chambre received orders and payments all throughout the year 1469³⁰.

22In Figure 2 (Fig. 2), where the number of valets is arranged by year, two major breakdowns are visible in the first and the last year of the study³¹. Due to the lack of accounts, these two years cannot be considered descriptive of the court composition. Regarding the year 1419, it has to be considered that Philippe the Good inherited the duchy in September, after his father’s death, reducing the sampling set of documents to justifications of spent resources of the three last months of the year. The last years, instead, suffer from a serious lack of documentation of the Chambre des Comptes³².

23Generally the diagram shows the variability of the amount of valets derived from the character of the ducal court³³. This fact is confirmed by Ordinances that explain that the duke had as many valets as he wanted and that they served in rotation :

24Mondit seigneur aura des valets de chambre telz qu’il lui plaira lesquelz serviront a tour, a chascune fois trois avec le premier valet de chambre et seront comptez chascun d’eulx deux chevaulx a gaiges et un varlet a livree³⁴.

25Undoubtedly, the highest amount of valets was reported at the beginning of the 1430s, due to the improvement of the court structure and the writing of new complex ordinances in 1433. For this specific year the study identifies 48 servants with the title of Valet de chambre, even though the ordinance clarified :

26Item, aura mondit seigneur douze varles de chambre lesquelz serviront tousiours sans ordonnance avec les deux premiers varles de chambre qui serviront a tour de demi an en demi an…³⁵.

27Nevertheless, with the exception of the twelve courtiers described in the introduction of the ordinance, the very same text cites another twenty six servants with the same title. Furthermore, according to various accounts, there were other valets working that year who were not mentioned by the Ordinance ; courtiers who had realized artistic tasks for the court in the years before and after the ordinance was writen, such as : Colard le Voleur (painter and architect)³⁶, Perrot Broullard (tailor) ³⁷, Jehan le Pestinien (manuscript illuminator)³⁸, Johannes van Eck (painter)³⁹, Thierry du Chastel (weaver)⁴⁰, Karles Gilles (marchant of textils)⁴¹, Guillaume le Chasublier (tailor)⁴².

28From 1434 to 1456 it is possible to observe a slow decrease in the amount of servants (apart from the year 1449). As a matter of fact, the Ordinance from 1438 presented eight Valets de chambre and twenty-five other servants within the same rank. As in 1433, in 1438 five of the Valet de chambre documented in the accounts are in fact missing from the ordinance.

29From the late fifties a slow increase and then a decline of the quantity of servants until the death of Philippe the Good can be observed. On the contrary, the high amount of courtiers in 1468 derives from the succession of Charles the Bold who maintained the charge of the servants of his father and added the servants he had as Count of Charolais like Michiel Le Sueur⁴³ or Gerard Loyet⁴⁴. This action demonstrates the complete freedom of the duke in choosing the number of valets serving at his court, as stated in the ordinances. Moreover, Charles the Bold preserved the tendency dawned at the beginning of the fifteenth century of keeping a close influence to the court by appointing to the rank of Valet de chambre those professionals that did not proceed from the noble class, and allowing them to have access to the ducal apartments, trust and direct relationship with the duke⁴⁵.

30The prosopographical approach and the identification of the 128 Valets de chambre allow an analysis of servants` professions that can be classified into nine different types (blacksmiths, clerygymen, tailors, scribes, physician, goldsmiths, painters, weavers and undefined) as shown in diagram 3 (Fig. 3). However, some types contain more than one profession, for instance « physicians » in which all the courtiers taking care of the health of the duke were combined (chirurgiens, barbiers, epiciers or apothicaires)⁴⁶. The category « tailors » contains not only professions related to the production of ducal cloths but also shoemakers and leatherworkers⁴⁷, while « weavers » form a different group as they are in charge of the creation or the restoration of tapestries and soft furnishings. Finally, the sub-type « scribes » contains writers, manuscript illuminators and poets like Michault Taillevant that is defined by sources as « le joueur de farses »⁴⁸.

31Due to the high amount of indefinable professions, and in order to increase the knowledge about these personages, the second title appearing together with Valet de chambre was analysed. As a result Diagram 4 (Fig. 4) shows titles like : aide de spicier (physician), garde de banniers (painters), garde de joyaux, garde de robe, garde de tapisserie, sommerier du corps that was organized into previously defined proffesions according to the link that the titile has with the needed skill and finally undefined set. Additionally, only thirty three valets could not be identified as professionals⁴⁹ but it seems reasonable to assume that all the other ranks required some skills or knowledge related to the profession already detected. Finally, the Diagram 5 (Fig. 5) shows the completed sample. The undefined valets could represent those valets cited by Olivier de la Marche who mainly served the duke with simple tasks and help him in his private chamber with daily activity⁵⁰.

4. Conclusions

32Databases and statistics based on different types of documental sources made possible the identification of 128 valets de chambre of the Burgundian court from the period 1419-1477. Ordinances of the court fulfilled the study of the court expenses, although the lack of references’ made impossible to define the professional situation of all valets but the study allowed to collect and systematize a great amount of interesting personal facts about their life. Even if it was not posible to define all their proffesions, it is clear that those servants was an extreamly complex social group, made up of people with different occupations, associated by the possibility of participating in the court life without being noble.

33The narration of Olivier de la Marche indicates two different types of valets, professionals and simple servants. Also, the professional group list is not exhaustive since goldsmiths, weavers, scribes, working at the court around the year of redaction of l’Estat de la Maison du duc Charles de Bourgogne are not cited. To explain with detail the link between valets de chambre and the meaning of the Art at that time. The list provided by the chronicler should be complement by the data from the Chambre des Comptes. The second source indicates that many servants with the rank Valet de chambre are connected in a broad sense with the ducal artistic patronage. Those courtiers might have practiced their professions and also realised ducal orders at the court, such as painters, weavers, tailors, goldsmiths or scribes. However, the privilege of staying at court served to differentiate them from other artists and ingratiate them to the court structure. As a consequence, thanks to this privilege they could associate with the court and receive orders directly from the duke.

34Whilst the majority of valets cannot be interpreted as artists, it is still possible to observe that the title served to identify servants with some specific skill. Due to the plurality of the tasks and the relevance of valets de chambre in the court life, in order to gain access to that elite position, a craftsman and students very probably should have other skills and personal qualities beyond what can be mentiones the documents, such as an extraordinary personality, an unique knowledge of the market of his proffesion or the understanding of the finest political mecanisms. In fact, physicians, artists and tailors had to receive a specific education before attending the court, where they would work as specialists. Moreover, the mixed composition of this social group demonstrates that knowledge of medicine and artistic skill had somehow similar relevance and indicates that it was thought to be form of Art and specifys some factors for define « paragone » of art or consideration of the material worth of objects and services.

Fig. 1. Valets de chambre attending the court per year

Fig. 2. Number of Valets de chambre per year

Fig. 3. Professions of Valets de chambre

Fig. 4. Undefined Valets de chambre according to the second title

Fig. 5. Definitive diagram of Valets de chambre’s professions

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